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ZIMBABWE has never been the same after March 30, 2020. Ever since then, the country has been in a lockdown and normal life in a constitutional democracy has been severely pared in the name of combating the global COVID-19 pandemic. STIR THE POT: PAIDAMOYO MUZULU The pandemic has been a godsend intervention for leaders with an autocratic inclination across the world. They did not take time to impose strict lockdown measures, restriction of rights and, in some instances, imposed martial law. Zimbabwe was no exception to this league of autocrats, notwithstanding the fact that two years earlier, in November 2017, it had experienced a coup that promised the flourishing of democracy. It was a coup that was well-choreographed for both the international and domestic audiences. It was a televised revolution or better still a social media phenomenon. There was no time to think for most, they just soaked in the moment. A moment for many in the opposition had planned for nearly two decades — to see the late former President Robert Mugabe’s departure from politics. For the majority, it was a question of change, but no one knew what that change meant. They wanted Mugabe to go. Zimbabwe experienced two worst military-backed crackdowns on protests since independence in 1980. The first one was on August 1, 2018 and January 15, 2019, apart from Gukurahindi. The security forces that killed protestors in cold blood are yet to face justice despite the Kgalema Motlanthe commission recommendations that they be brought to book. The flowers of the phony-revolution had wilted within seven months of the coup, making a joke of the statement that there was a new dispensation in the country. Opposition supporters had experienced firsthand the brutal excesses of the regime, either through abductions, torture or political persecution in the courts. Political parties could not hold rallies. They could not, and still can not petition or demonstrate against the government during the lockdown period. The opposition has been denied political oxygen and metaphorically dying slowly, gasping once in a while on social media but the damage has been done. At a political level, Zanu PF has been energising its base through Pfumvudza. It is meeting its supporters under the guise of an agricultural support scheme, yet the opposition in urban areas has been denied the same opportunity, worse still, after the lockdown affected the informal sector. Informal trading has changed and most likely for good as less than a quarter of the traders who were operating before lockdown might return to business after restrictions are removed. The anger in urban communities is palpable but it is not harnessed or directed at real issues. It has lacked leadership to marshall it into one giant wave and hence the ripples that we see once in a while that are quickly snuffed out. Zanu PF behaviour is targeted at self-preservation than building democracy. Even with a two-thirds majority in Parliament it is afraid to hold, long overdue by-elections. The by-elections have the potential of
The president also stressed the importance of keeping the economy open after months of stifling movement restrictions.
He urged citizens not to drop their guard and continue adhering to the health rules, such as wearing face masks and respecting curfew times.
South Africa has recorded just over 800,000 coronavirus infections - more than a third of the cases reported across the African continent - and over 20,000 deaths.
AFP
One of South Africa's most beloved celebrities has been recognised for inspiring others during the national lockdown.
[Monitor] On May 13, 1981, a Turkish criminal, Mehmet Ali Agca, shot and wounded Pope John Paul II as the latter entered St Peter's Square in the Vatican City.
[Addis Standard] Addis Abeba -- Benishangul Gumuz regional state communication bureau announced that security forces in the regional state have started taking \"decisive measures\" against armed groups accused of killing civilians in Meteke Zone of the region.
Ramaphosa said that we can expect a vaccine by 'the second quarter of 2021\" and assured South Africans that funding is being urgently sought.
Kaizer Chiefs head coach Gavin Hunt opens up regarding the biggest crisis at the club, one that he hasn't seen before in over 30-years of coaching
[Monitor] By Rajab Mukombozi
[Nyasa Times] Two senior chiefs have asked Malawi government not to extradite Prophet Shepherd Bushiri to South Africa.
The darkest moment in the Western Cape's fight against COVID-19 took place on Saturday, with 4 602 people testing positive in a single day.
[New Times] Rwanda's Foreign Affairs Minister Vincent Biruta, Thursday received copies of credentials from the new South Africa High Commissioner to Rwanda.
In a statement, Health Minister Zweli Mkhize said Gauteng accounted for 32.4% of the confirmed cases, while KwaZulu-Natal accounted for 17.5% and the Western Cape 16.3%.
Pitso Mosimane has completed a historic double treble after guiding Al Ahly to Egyptian Cup glory following a dramatic penalty shootout victory.
guest column:Brighton Taruberekera THE structure that you find in all of Zimbabwe’s political parties has what is called a youth wing. Attracting young blood is probably the main reason why political parties have established youth wings. Ideally, these should be capable of addressing the under-recruitment of young people into the strategic positions within the framework of the party as well as the government (especially across the Legislature and the Executive). The level of independence of youth wings vary but they are largely dependent on the mother party both ideologically and financially. Youth wings – as a platform for youth inclusion and representation in politics are undermined by dependence and excessive influence of the mother party which tend to alter youth input except for the purposes of ‘protecting’ those in the main structures who retain and exclusively wield decision-making powers. The concept of exclusion by inclusion was probably best captured by Maureen Kademaunga in January 2013 when she stated that “the structure that you find in all of Zimbabwe’s political parties has what is called a youth wing … this is a strategy to keep young people content and yet far from the actual decision-making structures; that is exclusion by inclusion because the youth wing … (is a) sub and all decisions are made by the main wing”. There are both the women’s wing and youth league in the main parties, but the Constitution of Zimbabwe is silent on the ‘youth quota”. Section 124(1)(b) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe provides for sixty seats to be reserved for women. This is a commendable move with regards to women empowerment and a positive move towards addressing gender disparities. However, the same Constitution does not reserve any seats for the youth who are then forced to compete with the party heavyweights who already have the financial muscle and technical backbone for a ticket to the National Assembly. Constitutionally speaking, for one to compete as a candidate either for council or National Assembly, he or she has to be 21 and above. The other requirement is Zimbabwean citizenship. Thus, literally, there is no legal instrument that bars the youth from contesting in their parties’ primary elections or parliamentary elections. However, because of a period of more than two decades of economic quandary our nation has found itself in, most youths have never been gainfully employed or are currently unemployed such that they lack the financial muscle and even practical experience with regard to administration and governance. The liberalisation of party politics for youth to compete with seasoned politicians is thus not a democratic move at all. Neither is it in the spirit of such, but rather a facade of youth inclusion which is in actual sense non existent. Admittedly, the youth do participate in politics and some youths have made it to Zimbabwean mainstream politics but for many it is largely a tale of ‘exclusion by inclusion’. In exploring ‘the tale of exclusion by inclusion’, I shall briefly explore the cases of th
ZIMBABWE are out of the running for a ticket to the 2021 Under–20 Africa Cup of Nations (Afcon) finals after they were beaten 2-0 by Mozambique in a Cosafa Under-20 Championships Group A match at the Nelson Mandela Bay, South Africa yesterday. BY HENRY MHARA The Under-20 Championships serve as a qualification tournament with the finalists booking a ticket to the Afcon finals set for Mauritania next February. The Tonderai Ndiraya-coached side drew 2-2 with South Africa in their opening match on Thursday, and needed to win yesterday’s match to stay in the hunt for the ticket. The top team in each pool as well as best-placed runner-up advance to the semi-finals of the Cosafa Championships. Needing to win the match, the Young Warriors looked like they were up for the challenge until they conceded a penalty in the 54th minute which was put away by Simon Cupriano. Zimbabwe were by far the better side to this point. Ndiraya’s reaction to the setback, was to introduce the highly-rated attacking midfielder Oscar Magejo for Munashe Katondo. They continued to pile on pressure as they searched for the equaliser. However, they were further pegged back when Gabriel Pinho scored the second for Mozambique with five minutes remaining to crush the Young Warriors hopes. In another group A match, South Africa clobbered Lesotho by 7-goals to nil to remain second in the group with four points, two behind leaders Mozambique. Zimbabwe play winless Lesotho tomorrow in a dead-rubber while South Africa and Mozambique clash in a winner takes all contest on the same day. Follow Henry on Twitter @henrymhara
So you couldn't catch the latest episode of Skeem Saam? Don't worry, we've got you covered. Be warned of spoilers!
DR Congo President Felix Tshisekedi said he planned to form a new coalition government and warned if he could not, he may dissolve parliament and hold fresh elections.
Sunday's announcement comes after the failure of a coalition with supporters of predecessor Joseph Kabila who currently wield a majority in parliament.
Tshisekedi came to power in 2019, after a long-delayed election and took over from Kabila, who stepped down after 18 years at the helm. It was the first peaceful transition since independence from Belgium in 1960.
But Tshisekedi's plans for reform were dashed by the need to forge a coalition with the pro-Kabila Common Front for the Congo.
\"These consultations also highlighted, by more than an overwhelming majority, the rejection of the coalition between the Common Front for Congo and the Heading for Change,\" he said on state-owned RTNC television.
Tireless efforts
\"This sad conclusion comes after two years of tireless efforts and self-sacrifice to preserve the essentials within the coalition.\"
He said he decided to name an official known as an \"informer\" who would be \"charged with identifying a new coalition that included an absolute majority of National Assembly members\".
Failing that, \"I will use constitutional prerogatives I possess to come back to you, a sovereign people, and ask for a majority\", something that would involve anticipated general elections.
Tshisekedi said he had spent a month consulting with political parties and prominent figures and that an overwhelming majority rejected a coalition that included the FCC and his Cap for Change (Cach) party.
\"I noted that we need to put an end to the Cach-FCC coalition, which is seen as the main reason for the current blockage,\" the president said.
South Africa is facing a nightmare before Christmas, as COVID-19 cases continue to soar. Here's the data behind Zweli Mkhize's 'second wave' announcement.
We look back on this day in history and remember the people and events that shaped the world we live in today. Every day is worth remembering.
